When was syria admitted to the united nations

These caveats hinder the ability of field commanders to make tactical decisions and thus jeopardise the success of mandates. Third, the increase in violence that Peacekeepers are involved in — either because they were mandated to or because they were attacked — evaporates the notion that peacekeepers are neutral, putting troops and civilian staff in danger.

Despite these conditions, it is important to see what the DPKO could learn from its existing operations for a mandate in Syria. Such a peacekeeping mission would require three main components: A hybrid setup, a mandate to fight against terrorism, and a strong political strategy.

First, any such peacekeeping operation would necessarily have to be co-administered with a regional organisation, i. The mission needs to not only have the blessing of the region but long-term commitment to provide troops, equipment and political support.

In addition, Western countries ought to support the mission in different ways, including logistical coordination, equipment, and intelligence capabilities.

As this support will not translate into many troops, more pressure will be on the Arab League to step up their commitment. Even with a brokered ceasefire, the mission would deploy in a hostile region and therefore the mandate must allow troops to actively engage terrorist organisations.

Deploying stabilisation missions into active conflict and hostile territories with broader and more robust mandates represented a drastic shift in peacekeeping.

Accordingly, draft constitutional texts on four titles were presented in advance of each meeting as follows, and then discussed in the Committee:. Let me note that the Co-Chairs had agreed on this distribution for this Session, with the understanding that in the next two Sessions, other delegations would take their turn in presenting draft constitutional texts on two titles during the week. Each principle was the subject of discussion for one day. However, the Co-Chairs were not able to agree on the mechanisms for progressing the discussion further during the final day on Friday.

The Co-Chairs however agreed that delegations who had further material to present regarding the texts discussed to date should be free to do so in the plenary meeting on Friday. In that meeting, the delegation nominated by the government stated that it had no revisions to present of its draft constitutional texts and that it did not see any common ground.

The delegation nominated by the SNC, and some members of the Middle Third delegation, each presented revised versions of their respective draft constitutional texts, stating that these were attempts to build common ground in light of discussions earlier in the week.

The delegation nominated by the SNC also presented comments and proposed amendments of the texts that had been presented by the other delegations, for the same stated purpose. The meeting concluded without any points of consensus or provisional agreement in the Committee.

Let me remind you, Mr. That is what constitutional reform means in this setting. Last week, for the first time, all delegations submitted draft constitutional texts. Multiple listed terrorist groups continue to operate across all quarters of Syria. ISIL attacked a gas pipeline supplying the power plant in Deir Ali, causing a power outage across the country — a reminder of the dangers these groups still pose. Counter-terrorism action in accordance with international humanitarian law, conducted in a manner that is effective while protecting civilians and safeguarding regional security, is possible and indeed needed.

It will require greater international cooperation among key stakeholders. I am sure that the situation on the ground in Idlib and elsewhere will be an important issue when Presidents Putin and Erdogan meet tomorrow, and I continue to appeal for those with influence to promote calm.

So much depends on that. Meanwhile, Russian-American contacts to pursue humanitarian progress in the framework of resolution have continued, and indeed the United Nations is committed to doing all it can to fully implement the resolution in all its aspects. Let me also remind you that any humanitarian effects of sanctions that could exacerbate the plight of ordinary Syrians need to be avoided and mitigated, particularly in terms of over- compliance. But I hope that the issues being discussed in recent international contacts are the floor, and not the ceiling, of what we collectively want to achieve in Syria.

This has been my message during recent weeks, including trips in the region and here in New York. I have engaged intensively with the Syrian parties — the Syrian Government, and the opposition Syrian Negotiations Commission. I also met, or was able to join the Secretary-General when he met, several Foreign Ministers and senior officials of key countries.

I have seen several other senior officials recently, including in Geneva. I will be traveling from here to Washington as my consultations continue. It is clear from all our engagements that trust is low — but it is also clear — and let me emphasise this — that common interests do exist, that things are not static, and that there is every reason to try now to build a more effective political effort.

On the Constitutional Committee, we are at an important moment. This body, along with the general Assembly, has consistently put forth resolutions condemning rights abuses and calling upon the Syrian Arab Republic to put an end to its attacks on civilians. In the past few months, the Security Council has also become increasingly engaged with the situation in Syria.

On 14 April, the Council authorized 30 unarmed observers to report on the implementation of the ceasefire through its adoption of Resolution and on 21 April , the UN Supervision Mission in Syria was established under Resolution Yet, the latest displays of indiscriminate violence, which killed more than individuals, have demonstrated that past efforts were insufficient and more decisive action is needed.